If you want a government that “smashes the state”, that pulls Britain out of NATO and the IMF, defunds the police force or adopts a policy of Open Borders — you are welcome to argue for all these things. As I argued in Clear Bright Future, fatalism is a spontaneous ideology arising out of experience but consciously encouraged by the mainstream media. We need to: ACTION 6: Refocus everything we do towards the goal of creating broad influence for a few, clear and radical aims, which arise from the real struggles of people on both sides of the cultural divide. The book was longlisted for the Guardian First Book Award on 24 August 2007. ACTION 3: Labour should support the demand for #Indyref2, offering a federal UK with full fiscal autonomy for Scotland, and a three-question ballot to include it. We can’t reverse our way out of that situation, or ignore it: we have to fight our way through it, to a more advantageous situation. What my politics are now are very complicated. That is the meaning of the term commonly associated with Gramscian politics: hegemony. And since for many people the workplace contributes very little to that survival strategy, their survival strategies are built instead around the specific cultural values of the community they live in, or come from, and around identity. The left’s project should extend, of course, way beyond 2024 and beyond the ethos of “Labourism”. But we’ll be in a world of mass precarity, youth unemployment and a disintegrating global order. There will be opposition to climate spending; there will be opposition to “free stuff” — and there is a lot of opposition to non-contributory and universal welfare systems. A left foreign policy based on defending the multilateral, rules-based order is what Podemos have signed up to as partners in the Spanish government, and what Bernie Sanders would have enacted as President. But it retains a strong collective identity, which has been increasingly defined against the progressive cultural values of younger, more diverse, city-dwelling workers — a division that is consciously encouraged by the right-wing media. She writes: “These deeply held ideas of how society should be have come to play an increasing role in the political choices of the electorate as older group-based loyalties have lost their power and structural roots”. To me, family, fairness, hard work and decency sound like something more than “values”: they describe a survival strategy adopted by working class people in the face of neoliberalism. In summary, if work is no longer the primary venue for class conflict, or what creates identity, then it is easier for people to experience the world beyond work as a more promising venue for struggle. ACTION 1: Define the left government by its intended effects: namely zero net carbon, de-financialisation, reversing the rise of inequality, rising wellbeing and the redistribution of wealth and power. Working out how to drive that conversation — how to listen, have arguments, and pass on the lessons laterally from one branch, town, or sector to another — is the most important of all the new things we have to do. Paul Mason (born 23 January 1960) is a British commentator and radio personality. So we need, in turn a new strategy for the left: one that that works backwards from our overall goals towards a new course of action. This table, which I’ve extrapolated from her research, shows the Labour vote among these groups at the 2019 election: Labour’s vote is strongest among those with liberal values on society and left values on the economy (70%). Radically redistribute power and defend democracy. The Labour Together report outlines two realistic alternatives: (a) “a move to the centre on economic issues with mild social liberalism tempered by a ‘tough-on-crime’ posture”; or that. During the upswing of neoliberalism, many people adopted an identity I’ve described as “the neoliberal self” — individualism, hedonism, fatalism, definied by what they consumed not where they worked, and always premised on the idea that “the market” was an intelligent machine that knows better than any individual human brain. He currently serves as director of corporate communications for MSC Industrial Supply Co. The lower skilled and less educated you are, the more precarious your job or tenancy, the more easily you become prey to financialised extraction and rent-seeking. British politics are now primarily influenced by “values”, not single class identities or raw economic interests. There are only two ways to assemble such a winning coalition for the left: During the leadership election, these two strategies were clearly outlined: with Clive Lewis supporting the “electoral pact plus constitutional reform” solution; and Keir Starmer stressing that Labour should become a much broader and more diverse party, ending the factional atmosphere that’s gripped the organisation since the Blair/Brown years. She recognises that the oppression of the Kanaks and of the Parisian working class are one and the same".[1]. Once we accept that’s not going to happen we can have a serious discussion about the conclusion. In June 2007, Mason presented Spinning Yarns, a four-part series on the history of the cotton industry for BBC Radio Four. People liked the individual ideas but feared the whole thing might crash an already unstable economy. It is also now much harder to identify the exploiters. The same is true for climate change: to decarbonise an economy rapidly you need state power. The entire membership has to understand and operate it as well, in our own heads.

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